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CIA, Djukanovic & Arafat’s Murder Suspect

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Monitor Weekly, 18 January 2013
CIA, Djukanovic & Arafat’s Murder Suspect

Mohammad Dahlan, a former Palestinian Security Minister, whom his country’s authorities suspect of embezzling hundreds of millions of state funds, has business deals in Montenegro. He could be one of the important links between Milo Djukanovic1 and the Al Nahyan royal family of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which the Montenegrin Prime Minister has just visited. In Abu Dhabi, Djukanovic sought salvation for Montenegro’s bankrupt economy.

This was not the Montenegrin leader’s first visit to the rich Arab kingdom. He also travelled to Abu Dhabi in 2008. On that occasion, he also had meetings with the royal family, after which big projects were announced.

According to the Palestinian media of the time, the man who connected Djukanovic with the Emirati royal family is this same Dahlan, a former close associate of Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. During Fatah’s rule, Dahlan was one of the most powerful persons in Gaza. But after Hamas took power there in 2007, Dahlan had to leave the territory. He was then accused of attempting a coup.

Later on, Dahlan entered into a conflict with his longtime political ally from Fatah, Mahmoud Abbas, the current leader of the Palestinian state. In 2011, Abbas expelled Dahlan from Fatah.

Today, the opposing Palestinian factions – Hamas and Fatah – have something in common. Both accuse Dahlan for embezzling state funds and endemic corruption, and for immensely enriching himself. Even in the nineties, Dahlan was a regular target of public criticism. A research paper from 1997 on Dahlan – A man who swallowed Gaza – claimed that he earned his initial capital through a monopoly on the import of gasoline, which was sold at enormous prices to the impoverished population under siege.

Later on, Dahlan was accused of betraying Palestinian interests – of having close ties to the US intelligence circles and Israel’s Mossad. His opponents claim that he is a confidant of the CIA. He has also lately been mentioned in connection with the death of the PLO leader Yasser Arafat. Allegedly, Dahlan sent poison packaged as medicine to Arafat in his Paris hospital. Arafat’s body was recently exhumed amid suspicions that he was poisoned with polonium. Some traces were found on the clothes, but experts have not yet confirmed that this is the actual cause of death. Dahlan has denied all these allegations.

It is known that Arafat was in conflict with Dahlan in the last years of his life. Arafat wanted to remove him from the top positions, but Dahlan then obtained political support from Abbas, who later appointed him as minister of security. It is believed that Americans helped bring this about.

In some documents compiled by Monitor, but also in the Middle East and Western media, one can read that Dahlan intends to invest his money in Montenegro, in real estate deals.

Dahlan and Yasser Mahmoud Abbas, one of the sons of the Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas, entered Montenegro almost simultaneously, at a time when the two Palestinian politicians were still closely cooperating. Two years after Montenegrin independence, in April 2008, Dahlan registered in Podgorica the Levant International Incorporation. It is interesting that the representative of this company is Diana Buttu, the well known former PLO spokeswoman, whom the US President George W. Bush praised “because of her tendency for compromise.” Buttu is, otherwise, a long-time lawyer of Dahlan’s.

A few months later, in August 2008, Dahlan registered another company – Manarah Holding Montenegro. While Levant was registered for consulting and management, Manarah was established for developing real estate projects. Both companies are on the same Podgorica address at the George Washington Street. The apartment of approximately 80 square meters is owned by Levant, according to the Real Estate Directorate . The Executive Director of Manarah is Bassil Jabir, who also heads companies with the same name on multiple other addresses: Virgin Islands, Abou Dhabi, Cairo and Panama (more details in Box 1 below).

Yasser Mahmoud Abbass, in turn, started operating in Montenegro in February 2008. The younger Abbas registered two companies in Podgorica – Falcon General Investments Company and First Option Conctruction Project Management co. Both firms are registered at the same address, as the firms of Dahlan’s noted above.

The son of Mahmoud Abbas is mentioned in several documents as a controversial businessman linked to corruption and to persons on the Interpol arrest warrants. Dahlan, himself, accuses Abbas’s sons of profiteering through exploitation of their father’s authority and relationships.

A document from July 2012, ‘Chronicle of Cleptocracy (corruption within the Palestinian political establishment)’- presented in a recent testimony before the US Congress, points at several politicians who have embezzled huge Palestinian funds, including Abbas senior, his sons and Dahlan. It describes the conflict that broke out between Abbas and Dahlan, and states that Dahlan has ties with Montenegro and several other countries, including Egypt and the Emirates.

According to several sources, since 2008, when his star began to pale in Palestine and Gaza, Dahlan spends most of his time in Cairo. He is thought to be associated in multiple ways with the Saviris clan developing, among others, a project of more than a billion euros on the Montenegrin Lustica peninsula in the Kotor Bay. Saviris and Dahlan’s associate Mohammed Rashid are together in the firm Monte Mena, registered in Panama (see Box 2 below).

According to several reports, Dahlan’s return to power is desired by certain circles in the US. The reports also state that Dahlan enjoys political backing from the United Arab Emirates. Presumably, Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas is seriously concerned that this support may affect the financial aid that Palestine is receiving from the Arab brethren, and that a reduction of such aid could strengthen Dahlan in Palestine. These reports and a number of our sources claim that such scenario would be welcomed by the CIA leadership.

Do these same circles look favorably at the links between Dahlan and Djukanovic? It’s hard to get an answer, but the fact is that, when it comes to Palestine, Montenegro is moving away from the European strategy. Recently, Montenegro abstained from the vote on Palestine in the United Nations, thus pandering to Washington but repudiating our European partners.

In any case – money from the Emirates would come handily to Djukanovic, who did not arrive by chance to the royal palace in Abu Dhabi one December night. In late 2008, Palestinian media disclosed the news: “Dahlan is in Abu Dhabi with the Prime Minister of Montenegro. He was seen in the lobby of the Emirates’ royal palace two nights ago with the dodgiest characters one can imagine. The story is this: He is there to arrange real estate deals for the Abu Dhabi royal family in Montenegro and receive a fat fee as the middleman.”

Following the visit, Montenegrin media wrote that the royal family has expressed interest in a number of projects, including the Long Beach in Ulcinj, Shipyard Bijela, First Bank2 … Afterwards, nothing happened at all. A company from Emirates, presumably backed by the royal family, submitted a bid at the tender for the sale of the Shipyard, but the deal was not concluded because of an alleged failure to comply with the tender conditions. Was that really the reason or was the problem the fat fee? According to one version, the entry of Emirate companies in Montenegro was conditioned by the bailing out of the First Bank in which the Arabs did not want to engage because of the bank’s huge financial liabilities and problematic loans.

What will happen now – in the midst of this great crisis? Could Djukanovic be preparing to lower the price for whatever still remains for sale – the Long Beach, Ada Bojana, Valdanos3 …?

Let us be clear – serious investors from the Emirates could indeed contribute to the recovery of the Montenegrin economy. It is not a secret that their free and safe capital is seeking new opportunities and investment destinations. But, will the recent Chief’s travel and direct negotiations with the Al Nahyan family benefit Montenegro? It depends on whether Djukanovic and various middlemen, such as Dahlan, are ready to give up private benefits for the sake of public interest. That would be a miracle.

The Arabs are coming

Besides Mohammed Dahlan, more people with the same surname can be found in the Montenegrin commercial registry. These are Abdrabu Jussef Dahlan Shaker and Ahmed Abdrabu Dahlan Jussef. They are in the companies – Middle East Real Estate DOO Podgorica and Queens Beach Development Company. Both companies are registered for real estate business. The seat of the first is in the heart of Podgorica, in the Karadjordjeva Street, while Queens is in the Malo Brdo suburb. These two Dahlans are also active in the region. They are in Alfursan, a company established in Belgrade.

The authorized representative of the Middle East Real Estate is Janko Skuletic, who is also director of the Queens Beach. That these firms are associated with Mohammed Dahlan can be deduced from the fact that Janko Skuletic also represented Manarah Holding in some circumstances in Montenegro, as for example at the Real Estate Fair in Becici.

Janko Skuletic also represented the well known firm Solidere from the Emirates, which made an offer in late 2008 for a parcel of land in Podgorica owned by the Radoje Dakic Company, but later withdrew from the deal. “Solidere operates according to the principles of energy efficiency and sustainable development, using the latest technology”, Skuletic said at the time. Montenegrin media reported recently that the Emirates, among others, will invest in energy efficiency projects.

Recently, the Queens Beach Development Company purchased tender documents for the hinterland of the Queen’s beach in the municipality of Bar, which was confirmed by Dragan Simovic, the municipality’s vice president.

The founder of the Queens Beach company, according to the Registry of the Commercial Court, is the UAE based Hydra Commercial Investments. Based on our investigations, in 2008, this company and the Saviris’es Orascom jointly established in Abu Dhabi the construction consortium Emirates Foundation. Besides Orascom, members of the consortium are the companies Sorouh and Capital Investment. Some companies in the chain have been involved in large projects and seem to be serious investors.

Relationships with the Family

Mohammad Dahlan has also been criticized for his relations with Mohammad Rashid, who was recently condemned ‘in absentia’ by the Palestinian Authority to 15 years in prison for financial fraud. After the Arab Spring, Dahlan and Rashid have been accused for delivering weapons from Israel to the Libyan leader Gaddafi in return for huge sums of money.

Many available sources point out that Rashid is actually the Dahlan’s man of trust, through whom he performs various transactions. As Monitor recently wrote, Rashid, a former economic adviser to Yasser Arafat, is in the Montenegrin registry in four companies: Monte Mena Investments, Trust Holding, Prima Invest (which is now deleted from the registry) and Montenegro company for Real Estates, Investments and Development.

Rashid is associated with the Montenegrin Prime Minister. Dragica Mrvaljevic, director of Djukanovic’s company Primary Invest, was at the same time director of Rashid’s Monte Mena Investment. And according to the Audit Report on the First Bank for 2007, Rashid’s companies have received two loans from the brothers Djukanovic, amounting to almost 13 million euros.

As noted already, Monte Mena company is also registered in Panama. Rashid’s partner there is the Egyptian billionaire Samih Saviris, who is planning to build a complex worth more than a billion euros on the Kotor Bay’s Lustica peninsula. In the Panamian Monte Mena, one also finds close colleagues of Djukanovic’s – the ambassador Vojin Vlahovic, former longtime adviser to the current Prime Minister, and Veselin Vukotic, Djukanovic’s teacher and partner in the university business4.

Monte Mena continues to advertise through its web site a megaproject at Skočiđevojka, near Petrovac, and another one at Podkošljun, near Budva. Djukanovic’s company Global Montenegro owns 20,229 square meters of land at Podkošljun. A coincidence? It is as coincidental as the fact that Rashid’s Monte Mena in Podgorica is based in premises owned by the Prime Minister’s brother Aco Djukanovic.

1 Montenegrin Prime Minister or President since 1991 and Chairman of the ruling DPS party, successor to the former League of Communists. Mr Djukanovic has recently been re-elected for a new 4 year term as Prime Minister
2 First Bank of Montenegro, former small municipal bank privatised in 2006 and turned within a year into the country’s second largest bank by the Djukanovic family (PM, his brother Aco Djukanovic and their sister Ana Kolarevic), now under -going severe difficulties due to alleged gross mis-management and obscure dealings
3 Large and very attractive real estate development sites on the Montenegrin Coast near the border with Albania


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The case of Vitaliy Grechin’s group and girls allegedly rescued in Porto Montenegro: Fight against human trafficking or scapegoating for box-ticking

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The Grechin case raises doubts that good statistics on fighting organised crime are more important than the fight itself. The prosecutor claims it’s a trafficking in women case whereas the allegedly trafficked women and the defence claim the opposite



Montenegro can hardly escape serious criticism in periodic reports on human rights violations and organised crime published by competent international organisations. However, the inadequate fight against human trafficking is the most serious objection. The State Department (SD) released the latest global report on human trafficking four days ago in Washington D.C. with highlights made by the US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. When it comes to Montenegro in particular the report says “the Government does not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of human trafficking, but is making significant efforts to do so.” However, “the government demonstrated overall increasing efforts” compared to very bad 2023; thus Montenegro was upgraded to Tier 2 countries.

One of the “increasing efforts”, although not mentioned in the report, could be the case of a US citizen Vitaliy Grechin and his three friends, two Ukrainians – Oleksandar Lishchynsky and Oleksii Blahoslavov and one Russian – Bogdan Petrov. The case raises suspicion that another fixing of statistics with technical/cosmetic embellishments might be in place, which was a common practice during the previous regime. Although the governing power has been changed, the Montenegrin courts, the state prosecution (with exception of the Special Prosecutor’s Office) and the police have remained largely unreformed and staffed with the vetted appointees of the former Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) regime.

In the early morning hours of 31 October 2023, police officers of the Tivat Security Department (TSD) raided Hotel Regent in Porto Montenegro marina resort. Grechin had rented the Regent’s entire floor for his friends and guests. The aforementioned four were handcuffed and brought at the High Prosecutor’s Office (HPO) in Podgorica on suspicion of human trafficking. The police also published that it had “rescued” 18 girls from Ukraine, Belarus, Russia and Israel. The police officers, acting on HPO’s orders, took the girls to the Tivat Social Work Centre and subsequently relocated them to safe facilities throughout Montenegro.”

The indictment says that in October 2023, Grechin, together with the other three, then “a certain Marko R from Belgrade” and “a photographer Aleksandar from Russia” recruited and transported the victims in an organised manner “for the purpose of sexual exploitation and use for pornographic purposes”. The aforesaid Grechin, Blahoslavov and Petrov bought plane tickets for the girls and waited for them at the airports in Tivat and Podgorica, then transported them to “exclusive hotels and accommodation – villas and Hotel Regent in Porto Montenegro”. It is further claimed that the defendants “organised in advance the unannounced photographing and recording of naked bodies with the aim of sexual exploitation and use for pornographic purposes on (Internet) platforms”. Moreover Petrov was subsequently charged with facilitating the use of narcotics (Article 301 of the Criminal Code) since he had prepared a so-called joint at the request of one of the girls and left it ready for use on her bedroom terrace. The Forensic Centre in Danilovgrad found that the cigarette contained 0.06 grams of cannabis, while further 0.2 grams of cannabis remains were found on the grinder.

The topic is a very delicate one and requires a careful examination before jumping to conclusions. According to the case files, which the Monitor had access to, not a single girl believes she has been “rescued” by Montenegrin police. Out of 15 girls who gave statements before the prosecutor, 10 girls had serious objections to the behaviour of police officers. In the statements (made in November 2023, January and February 2024) the “rescued” girls described the Montenegrin police treatment of them as “rude”, “terrible” and “cruel”. They complained that they were “refused a lawyer”, denied a copy of their statement. They object to the official interpreters’ bias and deliberate mistranslation. Several of them said they were kept without food and water for hours, while one described how “a police officer hit the wall above my head when I wanted to say something”. Another said that “at the hotel they examined our bodies by undressing us in front of men” thus making her “morally and physically humiliated”. The police “kept us for 12 hours without food or drink and gave us no explanation” for such a treatment. Another girl described how the police officers “took us to the hotel to pick our things and were pulling us by our shirts, I felt malice and injustice”. One girl complained that “the police wrote down what I did not say” and that she signed the statement under pressure.

The only girl out of 18 alleged victims who joined the criminal prosecution against Gretchin is MM from Israel. One of Grechin’s lawyers, Nebojsa Golubovic, requested the court at the pre-trial hearing to exclude her statement from the case files because she consented to press the charges against Grechin at the time when the prosecutor was alone with her, without presence of the defence lawyers – which is against the law. The court records show that MM was interrogated without any lawyer being present on November 1, 2023, from 10:39 PM to 11:00 PM. In a recent telephone interview with the Monitor MM said that she had signed the statement “under pressure from the prosecutor and the police” having already been held for 6 hours. They wouldn’t allow her to call her parents. She says that no one translated what she was signing and that she was told that she could contact her parents only after she signed the statement. MM says that she doesn’t consider herself “rescued” by Montenegro’s police whereas Grechin is her longtime friend. Several other girls confirmed the same, saying that they came to Montenegro freely and that they had documents and money with them all the time and that they could move around freely. Some of them came with their parents and children to Montenegro several times and showed photos from 2023 and preceding years as a proof.

So far the HPO has not reacted to the accusations. The Monitor was told that a legal representative of 13 girls would soon file criminal charges against the police, both for inhuman treatment and for confiscating money, valuables and electronic devices from the girls. The Monitor also reached out a couple of local organisations that are specialised in protection of vulnerable groups and women’s rights. Both organisations refused to comment on the case files and/or get officially involved so as to monitor the proceedings.

The prosecutor in charge does admit in the indictment that, except for one, “the other witness statements (14 out of 15) do not correspond with the material evidence”, which raises the question of identification of human trafficking victims. The HPO refers to the statement of the European Court of Human Rights that “the victims themselves are often not aware that they are victims”. In this case, the public prosecutor claims that “in the case of existing material evidence – i.e. photographs and recordings obtained through searches of electronic devices, the inconsistency of their statements must be interpreted as the fear of the consequences of the proceedings and as the fear of the defendants themselves”. The prosecutor further points out that “the witnesses who didn’t testify in favour of the defendants, and even the witness who has joined the criminal prosecution, together with the witnesses who testified in favour of the defendants, eventually submitted their authorisation for use of the aforementioned photographs and recordings”. That was done “through the defendants’ attorneys and not through their appointed (by the prosecutor) attorney”.

The defence lawyers reject the prosecutor’s reasoning as in that line of work the so-called release forms are almost always signed when the photos are accepted for publication. This can be verified on the websites of several big photography agencies which provide similar services.

The prosecutor also claims that the material found in electronic devices has “explicit” and “pornographic” content. The allegation is pretty questionable though as it makes no distinction between pornography and erotica. Among the “evidence” are photos published in renowned American erotic magazine Playboy (Russian-language edition), for which Grechin and internationally awarded photographer Oleksandar Lischynsky worked for many times. Lischynsky lives in the Netherlands and erotic art photography is his specialty. Besides Playboy, he had his photographs published in other similar magazines, and on websites. He also held exhibitions in Germany and other EU countries. Some of the presented Playboy editions of 2019 and 2020 have bylines of Lischynsky (as a photographer) and Grechin (as a spatial designer).

One of Grechen’s attorneys Mr Vuk Jaredic submitted to the court the analysis of Dr Nikola Markovic PhD, a court expert in the field of art history – fine and applied arts. Dr Markovic made the report at the request of Mr Jaredic. He states that “when it comes to the aforesaid material, it is clearly visible that the author (Lischynsky) carefully and responsibly avoided any display of pornography or any content that ultimately could be noticed and recognised for explicit display or sexual organs or other sexual acts”. He further states that “it is clear that the aforesaid photographic material was not created for the purpose of any sexual gratification, but rather it was the author’s endeavour for an aesthetic solution whereby he tries to express his creative approach”. 

Another court expert (for copyrights) Professor Miodrag Jovanovic PhD drafted his analysis upon Mr Jaredic’s request. Based on the statements of the each girl and their subsequent signed authorisation, he says that it proceeds that “the photographs and recordings made on 30 October 2023 are the authorship and intellectual property of Oleksandar Lischynsky”. Furthermore ”he had the absolute right to distribute, sell, give away and publish the aforesaid photographs and recordings, and to transfer the rights to third parties” concludes Professor Jovanovic.

Copies of the Playboy magazine were handed by the defence attorneys to the then chairman of the High Court in Podgorica Mr Boris Savic at the pre-trial hearing (for control and review of the indictment) on 14 May this year. Public prosecutor Ana Kalezic did not turn up at the hearing. The defendants and their attorneys vehemently opposed the allegations in the indictment and asked the High Court chairman to reject the indictment as the deeds described therein do not constitute the criminal offence of human trafficking. The four have been in the pre-trial detention for eight months now.

Although it’s been more than five weeks since the hearing, the High Court remains silent and without decision. The law allows up to 15 days for indictment confirmation (whereby it enters into force), rejection or return to prosecutor for corrections. Without taking sides, it is a high time to treat this case in a professional manner and dispel all doubts that may arise from the heretofore proceedings. 


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MONTENEGRO DENIES REFUGE TO LUKASHENKO CRITIC: Montenegrin Ministry of Interior claims that Belarus is a Democracy

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Based on the Ministry of Interior’s decision signed by Radovan Popovic, deputy minister and head of the Directorate for Administrative Affairs, Citizenship and Foreigners, it appears that Belarus is a democratic country where life is safe and full of opportunities. Popovic in his decision UP I-132/23-6651/3 dated 5 June 2024, has rejected the request for international protection filed by V.I (citizen of Belarus) because “there is no justified fear of persecution” in his home country



The High Court in Belgrade recently ruled again that Andrei Gnyot, a Belarusian film director, journalist and opposition activist, should be extradited to the totalitarian regime in Minsk based on the Interpol warrant issued by Belarus. He was arrested at the Belgrade airport on 30 October last year where he flew from Thailand. He was immediately taken into extradition custody to the Central Prison (CZ) in Belgrade. He left Belarus in June 2021 upon learning that Aleksandar Lukashenko‘s notorious KGB secret service was ready to go after him for his ties to the opposition. Gnyot is formally wanted for tax evasion amounting to around 300 thousand euros. He never received a hearing summon on the tax evasion accusations in the country. He allegedly committed tax evasion between 2012 and 2018 even though the law that regulates the matter was passed only in 2019. Gnyot rejected those accusations as “politically motivated”. He is one of the founders of the Free Association of Sportsmen of Belarus (FASB), which was set up after the rigged presidential elections in the summer of 2020, which caused massive civic protests and subsequent bloody repression by the regime whose closest ally is Putin’s Russia. FASB led an international campaign which resulted in disqualifying Belarus as the World Hockey Championship host. Moreover, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) has suspended the financing of the Belarusian National Olympic Committee (BNOC) chaired by President Lukashenko himself of which the Monitor already wrote about. The dictator took revenge on FASB by declaring it an “extremist organization”. The association’s lawyer, Aleksandar Danilevitch, was sentenced to ten years in prison. Retaliation followed against other members of the association, except Gnyot who managed to escape.

In the first judgment (7 December 2023), the High Court panel decided in favour of Gnyot’s extradition. Shockingly, the panel of judges even made a precedent by refusing to hear Gnyot about the charges against him. In early March of this year, the Court of Appeal overturned the decision and sent it back for a new decision. However, on 13 June, the first instance court pronounced the same verdict. The journalist has already announced he would appeal the decision. The only good news for Gnyot is that his prison detention of seven months was commuted to house arrest and confinement in a 20-square-meter studio apartment in Belgrade. International and local human rights organizations condemned the verdict and called on the authorities of Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic to end the persecution of political opponents of Minsk and Moscow who have sought refuge in Serbia.

When it comes to Montenegro, one would expect a better situation for asylum seekers, especially after the fall of the 30-year autocratic government of Milo Djukanovic and his Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) whose role models were Vladimir Putin and Lukashenko. However, Belarusian national V.I. (who asked not to have his full name disclosed) thought so. However, the Ministry of Interior (MUP) proved him wrong. Radovan Popovic, the deputy interior minister and head of the Directorate for Administrative Affairs, Citizenship and Foreigners, considers Belarus a democratic country where life is safe and full of opportunities. The MUP decision has no mention of the ongoing war against Ukraine in which Belarus indirectly joined Putin by putting at his disposal its military bases, weapons, logistics and territory which served as a springboard for early drive on Kyiv. Popovic in his decision UP I-132/23-6651/3 dated 5 June 2024, rejects the request for international protection to the Belarusian citizen because “there is no justified fear of persecution” in the home country.

V.I., whose family already lawfully resides in Montenegro and runs a successful private business, requested protection upon his arrival in Montenegro on 27 July 2023 because of a threat that Lukashenko’s authorities would imprison him for political activism. Namely, after the disputed presidential elections in the summer of 2020, large protests broke out in the country. The wife of V.I. participated while he stayed aside fearing for the wellbeing of his private construction company. However, when the authorities began to violently break up the protests, V.I “couldn’t stay on the side-lines”. In August 2020 he “recorded a 20-minute video post on YouTube” in which he “publicly announced his position… and supported those who are fighting for free Belarus” and “victory of democracy”. He said that “Lukashenko suppressed the protests by shedding blood” and that “the people should reciprocate in the same way”. After a while, in the spring of 2023, his YouTube post was noticed by the authorities and then V.I.’s problems began. Tax inspections and state controls of his company became frequent for no other apparent reason. Moreover, the bank with which he cooperated for over 10 years suddenly denied him access to loans without explanation. After that, a friend in the KGB told him that the secret service found out about his YouTube video and that the problems with the company were not accidental. In July 2023, he received a phone call from the state security which asked him to come to the premises of the KGB. When asked why, he was told that he would find out upon arrival. He immediately bought a ticket to Istanbul and fled to Montenegro via Turkey, leaving his mobile phone with a SIM card in Minsk in case state security tracked his movements through mobile network towers. Later, he learned from a neighbour in Minsk that Lukashenko’s police came to his house to look for him. Then the police contacted his wife and asked about his whereabouts. She replied that they were not together and that he had left for Russia. V.I. is convinced that if he were to return to Belarus “he would find himself in prison” seeing how the authorities treat other entrepreneurs who expressed their views. The available reports of international organisations and western governments (UN, State Department, EU, HRW, Amnesty Int. etc.) contain many well documented cases of torture in Lukashenko’s prisons. The regime’s common practice is to charge dissenters with treason or rather with bribery/corruption so to be more convincing to the public, both domestic and foreign. Detainees are then forced to “confess their crimes” in front of cameras, as was the case of Roman Protasevitch, a journalist and an opposition activist. He “publicly repented” in front of Lukashenko’s television cameras after he was kidnapped from a Ryanair plane. Namely, Protasevich was on the Athens-Vilnius 4978 flight which he was diverted on 23 May 2021 by the Belarusian authorities under the pretext that a bomb had been placed on the plane. Escorted by a MIG-29 interceptor, the plane was forced to emergency landing in Minsk. The journalist and his Russian girlfriend were snatched away and arrested whereas no reported bomb was found on the plane.

However, all these examples of Protasevitch, Gnyot and over 1,400 political prisoners in Lukashenko’s fiefdom were not convincing enough to Popovic, a close associate of the Interior Minister Danilo Saranovic (a high official of the Democrats of Montenegro) since they “do not meet the requirements of Article 3” of the Asylum Law. Neither the fear of V.I. of what might happen to him if he returns home “prevailed enough” to grant him international protection because “there was no element of persecution”. He is also reproached for not seeking asylum in the first transit country, Turkey, which received 3.5 million refugees from Syria, probably on purpose, overlooking that the applicant’s family already lived in Montenegro with a lawful residence and a successful family business. He wouldn’t be a financial liability to the state if he were allowed to stay with his family in the country of refuge.

Popovic claims in the decision he signed, that in accordance with the Geneva Convention and the Directive on Asylum Procedures, “a country is considered safe when, within the framework of its democratic system, there is generally and permanently no persecution, no torture or inhumane treatment…threats of violence”. Nonetheless “even though, to a certain extent, there are violations of human rights in Belarus”, the MUP finds out that V.I. “can return unhindered to the country of origin, and that his life, freedom and security would not be endangered by his return”. Popovic further elaborates that Belarus is an “industrially developed country” and that its main trade partner is Russia, stressing that natural gas largely transits from Russia to the EU (through Belarus). Popovic praises the construction of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline… from Russia to Germany under the Baltic Sea which was completed in 2021 and “is a factor that has a direct impact on the Belarusian economy”. Popovic apparently forgets that Nord Stream 2 has been closed and partly blown up after the beginning of invasion of Ukraine. He doesn’t bother to explain what the gas pipeline has to do with fate of V.I. if he would return home. Popovic also praises Belarus for receiving 2,915 refugees under the mandate of the UNHCR, 143 asylum seekers and over 6 thousand stateless persons. It highlights the successes of the Lukashenko regime in the fight against human trafficking and commends Belarus for being one of the 152 countries that voted for the adoption of the Global Security Agreement. Therefore “in accordance with the above, this institution has concluded that the conditions set forth to constitute persecution in the sense of Article 1A of the Geneva Convention have not been met”. Furthermore, the statement of V.I. makes it “clear that he did not experience persecution given that his allegations are not that egregious” to constitute a serious violation of human rights. It appears that it would be better for V.I. that he first experienced torture in prison as that might convince Popovic (who is also a lecturer at the Police Academy in Danilovgrad) that he was is in danger.

The leader of the Belarusian opposition Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, has been informed about the Montenegrin MUP’s reasoning and denial of asylum. She herself had to flee the country after the Minsk regime refused to recognize her victory in the presidential elections in 2020. Her husband was already in prison before the elections. She was sentenced in absentia to 15 years in prison by Lukashenko’s court. Many democratic governments recognize her as the country’s legitimate leader. Her staff told the Monitor that the opposition in exile had proposed to President Jakov Milatovic and Prime Minister Milojko Spajic to meet with Tsikhanouskaya several times after she had previously met with the governments of Greece and Albania. No response ever came from Montenegro.

Fortunately for V.I. he can appeal Radovan Popovic’s decision before the Administrative Court of Montenegro. V.I. still hopes that he will not have to face the democracy and justice of Lukashenko’s government.



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Is the recent hunt on alleged Russian spies a cunning attempt to conceal the Kremlin ties with people around President Djukanovic? Djukanovic and his chief advisor Milan Rocen are accused of being the prime Russian asset in the country


Montenegro Parliament’s Security and Defence Committee held a public hearing over the recent operation of the country’s National Security Agency (NSA) which allegedly was conducted together with its “western partner services”. Reportedly tens of Russian spies were arrested. However, the public hasn’t heard a single Russian spy name. Only the name of a retired Foreign Ministry official Radomir Sekulovic and his best man came out. Mr Sekulovic was allegedly the head of Russian spy network in Montenegro. At the end, instead of espionage, the aforesaid two men have ended up being charged for illegal possession of a pistol and a few bullets. Some media published “reliable NSA information” that Sekulovic “had confessed everything” and therefore he was spared from indictment. Sekulovic publicly denied the charges. 

Espionage and connections with intelligence services has been a valued business in Montenegro since the Ottoman days and perpetuated under Yugoslavia’s strongman Josip Broz Tito. Although the Montenegrins made up only about 2.5 percent of the Yugoslav population, the share of high-ranking Montenegrins in the security services in post-war Tito’s Yugoslavia was almost ten times the average. When Tito broke with Stalin in 1948 many Montenegrins were sacked and arrested for siding with Russia. The infamous concentration camp in Goli Otok (remote island in Croatia) received a disproportionately large number of Montenegrins. Many ended up there only due to false reports and snitching since those loyal to the Yugoslav regime worked hard to turn in as many “enemies of the people” as possible. The legacy of Goli Otok has left a deep mark in the national identity of Montenegro in the following decades.

The euphoria of working for spy agencies returned big way with the “Anti-bureaucratic Revolution” in Montenegro and its “spontaneous protests” in 1990 organized by the Serbian intelligence service (UDBA) under Slobodan Milosevic and his Yugoslav Army Counterintelligence Service (KOS). The result was the installation of Momir Bulatovic, Milo Djukanovic and Svetozar Marovic to run the puppet regime in Montenegro. In the fervour of Greater Serbian nationalism and the unfolding war, the notorious trio persecuted everyone who was considered pro-western, liberal and democratic. Journalists, human rights activists, opposition leaders and anyone who opposed war, mafia and corruption were regularly labelled as CIA, MI-6, and BND collaborators. On the other hand, Serbia, Russia, and China were role models.

Now, formally speaking, the situation is reverse. Once dominant Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and its leader Milo Djukanovic cry about “malignant influence” of Russia and Serbia everywhere.  Moreover, they claim that they fight against the new enemies together with “partner services” – the same CIA, BND and others which the DPS once termed as “enemies of Serbian people and Montenegro”. However, the Chinese Communist Party (CPK) remains revered by both President Djukanovic and his archenemies in the Democratic Front (DF). Both Djukanovic and the DF leaders sent warm regards and praises to the Chinese for the recent CPK Congress.

The public hearing before the Parliament’s Security and Defence Committee (SDC) held on October 28 largely resembled the well-known television comedy – Balkan Spy. SDC summoned the recently sacked National Security Agency’s (NSA) chief Savo Kentera and the dismissed Foreign Minister Ranko Krivokapic. The idea was to review the recent NSA operation allegedly conducted with “Western partner services”. According to Mr Krivokapic’s statement at the time of the alleged operation “dozens (of spies) have been apprehended”. At the end, it was much ado about nothing. 

The news outlets further reported that among 28 “Russians” who were declared personae non gratae, several of them were actually Serbian citizens. The first on the list is Vladimir Bozovic, the (pro-NATO) ambassador to Montenegro who was already declared persona non grata in the last days of the outgoing Djukanovic-led government in 2020. Others are Vladimir Mandic–  a former Serbian handball national team player and Dane Sijan – also famous handball goalkeeper in the former national team of Serbia and Montenegro. The list reportedly includes prominent church figures – Podgorica archdeacon Velibor Dzomic and Dajbabe Monastery Abbot Danilo. Dzomic used to coordinate the Legal Council for the Diocese of Montenegro and was often seen in the company of Djukanovic’s tycoons.  In addition to the aforesaid, six employees of the Russian Embassy in Podgorica were expelled. Thus the official embassy staff came down to the ambassador and his chargé d’affaires.

The SDC chairman and one of the leaders of the Democratic Front (DF), Milan Knezevic accused Djukanovic-faithful ex NSA boss Kentera for “targeting the entire Serbian nation and its priests” and added that Kentera was “a registered CIA agent”. Knezevic pointed out that “if anyone should be arrested and interrogated that’s none other than Milan Rocen. He is the chief Russian operative in Montenegro”. Mr Rocen is top Djukanovic’s advisor in charge of his foreign policy and capital investments. He was also the protégé of arrested and then released Mr Sekulovic. 

Former foreign minister Krivokapic accused Knezevic of “following orders from outside”, alluding to official Belgrade and the Kremlin. Knezevic retorted that whoever claimed that he worked for foreign interests is “a damn liar and a scoundrel”.

The former NSA chief Kentera said at the beginning of his testimony that his late father had built a church to St. Sava in Pastrovici, whereas he attended church services when others did not dare (in communist days). He added that “those who have no respect for this state, her institutions and the system should have no business here”. Kentera explained that “all those names were put on the list for a reason”. Kentera, just like Krivokapic before, tried to connect his sacking with the alleged operation against the Russian spy ring. “We started to eliminate the spy network but we were eventually foiled in the middle of it” Kentera said.

Prior to being appointed to head the NSA in a compromise between reformist Prime Minister Dritan Abazovic and his opponent President Djukanovic, Kentera was heading the Atlantic Council of Montenegro (ACofM) for many years. He was often seen in the company of American and other Western diplomats and officials of the Alliance. Kentera-led NGO was formally propagating Montenegro’s NATO accession. ACofM also received generous donations to set up the Digital Forensic Center (DFC), which was meant to fight disinformation and promote Western values. 

However, in mid-September 2021, DFC published a detailed study of Russia’s Influence in the Balkans – The Case of Montenegro. The Study was translated and distributed to foreign diplomats by DPS officials. The contents of the Study on Russian malign influence in Montenegro pretty thoroughly rely on DPS party communiques and the narratives of the former Chief Special Prosecutor Milivoje Katnic (who was previously a loyal military counterintelligence official under Slobodan Milosevic).

The DFC study “studiously” avoided any reference to well-known links of Djukanovic’s and his DPS with Russian intelligence, mafia and oligarchs. DFC conveniently dropped to mention that Russia was the key international player which supported Montenegrin independence back in 2006 and that disgraced Trump’s campaign chief Paul Manafort had been hired with Russian money to campaign for Montenegro’s independence. The DFC pointed to the cooperation agreement of Milan Knezevic’s Democratic People’s Party (DNP- part of the Democratic Front coalition) signed with Putin’s United Russia. On the other hand, the DFC skipped to mention that Djukanovic’s DPS had signed the same strategic cooperation agreement with Putin’s party already back in 2011 and has never revoked it since. Then DPS spokesman Rajko Kovacevic (and later Djukanovic’s chief of staff) said “that DPS does not recognize the (Putin’s) party as dictatorial. United Russia is a party that has 315 out of 450 deputies in the Russian Duma. Thus we are the right address for talks and strategic cooperation and interests that we want to develop”. The DFC also bypassed a large number of State Department reports on Russian money laundering in Djukanovic’s fiefdom and the installation of Russian intelligence agents in the state institutions of Montenegro under Djukanovic-led government. Furthermore, the DFC study does not contain a single word about havoc wreaked in Montenegrin economy by KGB/FSB “investors” who had taken over Podgorica Aluminium Plant (KAP), Niksic Steel Mill and prestigious hotels on the coast. The Russian “investors” walked away with hundreds of millions of euros and left further hundreds of millions of debts – all with the blessing of the supposedly pro-EU and pro-NATO DPS authorities. The property of Oleg Deripaska is still intact and safe in Montenegro even though Deripaska is under Western sanctions introduced after Russia invaded Ukraine in February this year.  

It is also interesting that all To Be Secure (2BS) conferences of the Atlantic Council and Mr Kentera were held in Hotel Splendid. Its founder and majority owner is none other than the former director of the KGB/FSB General Viktor Ivanenko. His ownership is easily verified by a simple check in the public business registry – CRSP. The fact that a retired chief intelligence officer of Russia owns a prestigious hotel chain in Montenegro seems to be totally irrelevant to Kentera’s Atlantic Council and thus unworthy of a single reference in the DFC Study. Moreover, the profile of widely known main hotel guests and tenants who are from the same criminal and intelligence milieu is something that the DFC study chooses not to mention at all. Perhaps this is among the reasons why the main Western embassies have been very silent on the dismissal of pro-Djukanovic Kentera, Ranko Krivokapic and Rasko Konjevic (former defence minister). In informal conversations with Monitor, several diplomats from the old members of the Alliance pointed that the main Russian influence in Montenegro was still exercised through people in Presedent Djukanovic’s inner cirle “because the lucrative ties with the Russian mafia and intelligence are not something that you easily cut off, despite sweet-talking rhetoric”.

Andrija Mandic –another leader of the pro-Russian Democratic Front (DF) indirectly admitted at the public hearing that Russia prefers Djukanovic’s DPS over his political organisation for strategic cooperation whereas his DF is reduced to the role of “useful idiots” (KGB terminology). “While we were fighting the biggest battle to preserve our common state (with Serbia), do you know who was supporting independent Montenegro? Exactly those (Russian) partners of Milan Rocen” adding that the DPS “didn’t mind their help to achieve independent Montenegro… the (intercepted) phone conversations have been published, there’s evidence and now you play completely dumb and point finger at us”. In addition, Andrija Mandic implicitly admitted that during so-called coup d’état trial the Serbian services were actively helping Djukanovic and Katnic (former Chief Special Prosecutor) by supplying them the so called evidence.

Moreover, Mr Mandic compared the current role of Mr Rocen to the role of Tito’s chief intelligence officer, Ivan Stevo Krajacic. He explained that “after Krajacic’s death, Russian agents came to take over his radio station which he used to report to Moscow frequently”. Thus, “what Stevo Krajacic used to be in Tito’s Yugoslavia, now is Milan Rocen in Montenegro”. Mandic added that Mr Rocen is “the main protagonist of (Kentera’s) values” with whom he chases “alleged Russian agents around Montenegro and play double and triple games of all kinds in the security services theatre”. Mandic further revealed what socializing with foreign diplomats looked like from his side during August 2020 elections saying that “the lead person on our list (former PM Zdravko Krivokapic) could hardly wait (after electoral victory) to go to the American embassy and ask what he should do”.

The pro-Djukanovic and the pro-Serbian media in Montenegro have been visibly silent on allegations against President Djukanovic’s chief adviser Milan Rocen that he is the actual head of the Russian spy ring in Montenegro. DPS-controlled media are silent about its ties with Russia, while pro-Serbian portals find it hard to digest that much beloved Putin prefers Milo over Montenegrin Serbs. So far, the Prosecutor’s Office hasn’t responded to direct calls of the Prime Minister Dritan Abazovic and the DF leaders to investigate Rocen’s and Djukanovic’s links with Russia.


Memory of love

Despite the strategic orientation of Montenegro, relations with Russia will always be among the mainstreams of our strategic foreign policy. No one can replace Russia – neither the European Union nor NATO. These are not empty words – Milan Rocen (RIA Novosti 2007)



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